Building on New Promises

India is an example of success in the third world. It has achieved significantly over the last two decades in almost every area of human development and nation building. The country has enormous advantages in its young population and its entrepreneurs, a growing IT capacity, an English speaking workforce and strength as a democracy. It seems hovering to grow into a strong economic power - rapidly catching up with the developed world. But even now it is a nation that has barely scratched its potential. There must be good reasons behind it.

Bipin Adhikari

Nandan Nilekani, Imagining India: Ideas for the New Century (New Delhi: Penguin/Allen Lame, 2009)

[Source: http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2009/englishweekly/spotlight/dec/dec25/review.php]

India is an example of success in the third world. It has achieved significantly over the last two decades in almost every area of human development and nation building. The country has enormous advantages in its young population and its entrepreneurs, a growing IT capacity, an English speaking workforce and strength as a democracy. It seems hovering to grow into a strong economic power - rapidly catching up with the developed world. But even now it is a nation that has barely scratched its potential. There must be good reasons behind it.

The book Imagining India: Ideas for the New Century is the latest visionary work that explains what a 'big' Indian, Nandan Nilekani, thinks about the situation. Nilekani, a famous business leader, and the co-founder of the Infosys not just talks about his country’s nagging problems, but also about its latent strengths in all walks of life. A big reason for India's struggle, he argues, lies in its inability to push through and implement critical ideas.

Nilekani not only looks at evolutionary process, that India has been through, but also singles out the cynicism evident in that process, including the politics of money and votes. A number of contradictions in its economy, and new found wealth are also the area that the author has pin pointed. He does not hesitate to note that there are many things holding Indians back - their pessimism around what they have accomplished so far, and a resistance to the ideas they need to implement in order to solve their remaining challenges.

The book has four parts. Part 1 discusses issues where Indian attitudes have changed radically over the years. In his words, it is the shifts here that are at the heart of India's dynamism today. Be it the development in the area of human capital or increasing acceptance of globalization, they mark a shift in Indian thought process.

The second part of the book examines those issues that are still in the ether. Nilekani says they are now widely accepted, but have yet to see results on the ground. For example, here he argues that the idea of full literacy has gained popular appeal over the last two decades, but India is still framing strategies to implement universal education, and address the discontent around the state of its schools.

Part III deals with more fundamental issues. They are the issues which have led to partisanship, and it has been difficult to reach consensus. Here, the author discusses furious ongoing debate in India about regulation of higher education, easing up labour regulations, and similar other reform agenda which some consider as empowering and some see them as exclusionary.

Part IV, which is also the final part presents the readers with his final set of ideas. Here he points out that "this final set of ideas presents us with a challenge we are not as adept at meeting as we once used to be." But, as he argues, India's rapid economic growth is demanding much more of us in innovating new ideas, as existing solution for issues like health, energy and the environment have proved ineffective around the world, India cannot, in his opinion, have an energy policy that is based entirely on the heavy use of hydrocarbons.

The author emphasizes in a very neat language that the rise of modern capitalism has helped India much. But it has to go further in right direction: "[t]he challenge we have faced across our ideas is in uniting our people and policy makers toward urgent and necessary solutions. Our coalition governments at the centre often give themselves labels that reiterate unity and a common purpose - the United Front, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). But in reality they represent fiercely sparring ideals, and reflect an India that is intensely fractured, its divisions sharply defined not so much by ideology as by religion, caste, class and region. ... But the reason I am optimistic is that we have achieved consensus before. Through our history, our divisions and debates have been in constant flux, as the ideas that define and animate us as a people changed and evolved." The process must go ahead.

There is a momentum for change. But this change has not reached a vast number of Indians. The author considers it as important to put cash in the hands of the poor, which would in turn allow them to participate in the markets more effectively. Local governments must be made strong and vibrant, giving them bigger roles in governance. Regional disparities must be addressed. "Addressing these rising inequalities in class and region means opening the doors wider and empowering more people to enter the market and benefit from it - this will entail ensuring full literacy, creating a common market so that people can get the best price for their wares and building better cities and infrastructure to access markets." It is in the interest of the majority of the people to remove state shackles on higher education, enact further labour reforms, and open up organized retail and revamp supply chain infrastructures. It is not possible to manage exchange rates, interest rates and free capital movements without economic and fiscal discipline.

His concluding remarks must be noted in this respect: "As I travelled around India, I realized that this feeling, this intense belief in the future, has not yet infiltrated our governments, and our ministers still talk about the people as masses to be taken care of, as one would tend an ailing patient, rather than as fellow citizens to empower. In our politics, we have yet to tap into our new language of hope. For this to be mirrored in our political institutions it requires us to imagine an India that rests not on the struggle of our past but on the promise and challenges of the future. It requires us to shape systems and policies that give people the ability to travel in search of work, to educate their children and to tap into economic growth, to recognize how fully India is transforming itself... [India] is young, impatient, vital, awake - a country that may finally be coming close to its early promise." There is reason to agree with him.

The book of Nilekani is full of thoughts, analysis and inspiration. It gives enormous hope to the poor people of India. It is just lengthy for anybody who is not a good reader. He could have conveniently reduced half of its size without impairing his message anywhere. Notwithstanding its length, however, it is very readable, well edited and stimulating book.

A New Theory Of Justice

Bipin Adhikari

Source: http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2009/englishweekly/spotlight/nov/nov27/review.php

Justice is a moral concept about what is right, fair, appropriate, and deserving. As a concept of righteousness, it builds on ethics, rationality, natural law, equity, fairness and similar principles. This is the reason why justice happens to be a complicated subject. Nevertheless, it is a subject that has been subjected to rigorous philosophical, legal and theological debates throughout the history.

Amartya Sen's new book The Idea of Justice ( Penguin-Allen Lane, 2009) is a major addition to these debates. A Lamont University Professor at Harvard, Sen presents in this book his theory of justice in a very broad sense. His understanding is based on a positive analysis of already existing general theories in this regard. Its aim, as Sen points out, is to "clarify how we can proceed to address questions of enhancing justice and removing injustice, rather than to offer resolutions of questions about the nature of perfect justice."

Dedicated to John Rawls, who wrote A Theory of Justice in 1972, one of the primary texts in political philosophy, the book goes far beyond his concept of justice. In his book, Rawls highlighted the problems of distributive justice at length and offered the concept of justice as fairness to solve the ensuing problems.

From fairness, Rawls derived his theory of justice which contained two important principles: the liberty principle and the difference principle. He argued for a principled reconciliation between liberty and equality. He also emphasized that "most reasonable principles of justice are those everyone would accept and agree to from a fair position."

John Rawls built on philosophical foundations laid by Kant and Rousseau - the two important predecessors in this area (among many others). He employed a number of thought experiments - including the famous veil of ignorance - to determine what constitutes a fair agreement in which "everyone is impartially situated as equals," in order to determine principles of social justice.

Amartya Sen who won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1998, explores in this book the ways in which, and the degree to which, justice is a matter of reason, and of different kinds of reason. It is in the nature of human beings that they hardly agree on a final, perfect set of institutions and rules. Disagreements are quite common everywhere. It is because not everything is in principle resolvable. Moreover, different people regard different positions as just. As such, Sen argues that there is no need to overcome disagreement. The search for a perfect set of arrangements can distract theoreticians from tackling injustices that the human society needs to confront.

Sen's work is not grounded in idealised justice. It is grounded in what can be made to work practically in the real world. He argues that a philosophy of justice should require the agreement not just of the community which is making the laws, but of important outsiders also. The whole world has a role in it. It is in the nature of reason, says Sen, that it does not allow all questions to be settled from first principles; But these pluralities are not a shortcoming.

Amartya Sen has divided his book into four parts and eighteen chapters after sharing with the readers his approach to justice at the outset.

Part 1 deals with the demands of justice in general. It has four chapters which cover reason and objectivity in the justice discourse; Rawls' theory of justice and beyond: institutions and persons; voice and social choice: impartiality and objectivity; and analysis of closed and open impartiality.

Part II deals with forms of reasoning. It also has four chapters: position, relevance and illusion; rationality and other people; plurality of impartial reasons; realization consequences and agency.

The materials of justice are discussed in Chapter III. It also has detailed explanations on lives, freedoms and capabilities; capabilities and resources; happiness, well-being and capabilities; and equality and liberty.

The last part explains democracy as public reason. Here he also gives his impression about the practice of democracy, human rights and global imperatives, and the place of justice in the world.

Amartya Sen holds that justice has a key role to play in the concept and practice of democracy. But his emphasis is not in terms of the institutions of a democratic state, but in terms of its capacity to enrich reasoned engagement. Democracy allows public argument and debate. It allows public reasoning. "The working of democratic institutions, like that of all other institutions” depends on the activities of human agents. But democracy “has to be judged not just by the institutions that formally exist, but by the extent to which different voices from diverse sections can actively be heard.”

At the heart of Sen’s argument is a respect for reasoned differences in our understanding of what a “just society” really is. He stands firmly within the traditions of Anglo-American philosophy, but the book is full of philosophical references from the Indian sub-continent and their analysis in view of contemporary problems. He has been able to bring Buddha, Ashoka and Akbar in his theoretical discourse in such a way that nobody ever even tried to do.

The book is long and repetitive at times. But the breadth of Amartya Sen's vision and intellectual keenness make it an outstanding work for every thinking person.

lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com

Suffering opposition leader

Tek Nath Rizal, Torture Killing Me Softly (Kathmandu: Human Rights Without Frontiers Nepal & Group for International Solidarity, 2009)

The book is an authoritative, rich and compelling narrative of the man who represents the movement for democracy and human rights in Bhutan. It might once again remind the rulers of the present day Bhutan that there is no sustainable alternative to national reconciliation between the monarchy and the opposition forces. Bhutanese need national unity, and the new king has a meaningful role to play in this regard.
Bipin Adhikari

BOOK REVIEW http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2009/englishweekly/spotlight/nov/nov13/review.php

Tek Nath Rizal needs no introduction in Nepal. An opposition leader of Bhutan, sentenced in 1993 to life imprisonment, Rizal has been associated with human rights movement in his country for more than three decades. He was imprisoned by the Bhutanese establishment from 1989 to 1999 at the Chemgang detention centre, about eight kilometers east of Thimpu.

According to Amnesty International, Rizal was held "for the peaceful expression of his political beliefs, in particular his campaign against government policies unfairly affecting members of the Nepali-speaking community in southern Bhutan." After 10 years of imprisonment, following national and international pressure, he was granted amnesty by King Jigme Singye Wangchuk on 18 December 1999, the Silver Jubilee year of his accession to the throne.

The book Torture Killing Me Softly is a tale of suffering Tek Nath Rizal lived with when he was in detention. In his preface to the book, Rizal explains: "Spending ten years of my life in the most degrading and inhuman conditions of the Bhutanese prisons, I made a considered decision to share my experiences with the rest of the world. The primary objective behind writing this text is to reveal the other side of the so called last Shangri-La, where ethnic cleansing is being practiced as a state policy, in the name of maintaining cultural purity."

The book is not just about his personal experience, but also "the nature, extent and magnitude of mental and physical tortures inflicted upon hundreds of citizens in the Bhutanese prisons and virtually throughout the nation on a daily basis." It is also related with the thousands of Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and other places of the world.

There are sixteen small chapters in the book including an epilogue. The introductory chapter familiarizes readers with three main ethnic, linguistic and religious groups of Bhutan - Ngalongs, Sharchhokpas and Lhotshampas. The author emphasizes here that all these groups lived in perfect communal, religious and ethnic harmony through centuries, until the fourth king of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuk ascended the throne in 1974, and started a discriminatory regime in the country. These arrangements were especially aimed at the Lhotshampas - the Bhutanese people of Nepalese origin. This chapter also explains how circumstances forced Rizal to leave his motherland into exile in Assam and Sikkim, and then in Nepal. In Chapter II, Rizal states:

"The [Bhutanese] king was enraged at my political activities and requested his counterpart, the then king Birendra of Nepal, to extradite me to Bhutan. On November 16, 1989, I was arrested in the midnight from my bedroom by Nepal police from Birtamod in Eastern Nepal, along with two of my colleagues, Mr Jogen Gajmer and Mr Sushil Pokhrel. The next day we were taken to Kathmandu and handed over to the ADC of the king of Bhutan, Colonel V. Namgyel, who is at present Ambassador to Nepal and India. He was waiting for us in the Druk aircraft kept on standby at the Tribhuvan International Airport. The three of us were forcefully taken to Bhutan."

The author does not adequately explain what must have transpired between the King of Nepal and King Jigme, when the former agreed to extradite him to Bhutan, but the future development showed, the goodwill shown by Nepal King had no encouragement on King Jigme to sort out the problem inside the country and restore a regime of justice and nondiscrimination. With this starts the regime of torture, which is the main theme of the book.

The next six chapters deal with Rizal's account of the living hell in Rabuna prison, conditions at Dradulmakhang prison, Rizal's protests when he was in Chamgang, his final week in prison, and the last suffering there. Here and there, he highlights the sadistic mind control torture used alongside other physical torture tactics in these places.

"Torture was not confined to primitive physical assault by using whips, clamps, chains, ropes and giving electric shocks but also involved application of various scientific devices like light sensitivity, very high sound decibels, microwaves on my conscience. The objective was clear: destabilize the mind, induce anomalous behavioural changes and create dissociation. A combination of sensory isolation and beaming different kinds of energy in the brain were used to procure the desired result. Systematic efforts were made to destroy completely my senses but my deeper sub-conscious remained alive inside me. This has been instrumental in my post-torture mental reconstruction process, owing to which I have recollected myself to share my experiences with the world."

In Chapter IX, Rizal explains the situation leading to his release in 1999, the first day of freedom in Thimpu, efforts towards battling in Thimpu as a human rights and political activist, and the pain of fleeing his homeland for the second time. At this stage, he shares his thoughts in bold terms once again: "I thought for a moment that the declaration of my innocence might bring a change in Bhutan's deplorable politics and governance. I also thought that the problems of the innocent inmates and the discrimination against Lhotshampas would finally be addressed. Sadly, I was totally wrong."

This is more or less the conclusion that has been corroborated in the rest of the chapters as well. King Jigme has already abdicated his throne, passing the discriminatory regime to his son, the new king of Bhutan. There is no change even though Bhutan has a leader of a new generation. The two decade long refugee crisis is still without graceful solution.

The book is an authoritative, rich and compelling narrative of the man who represents the movement for democracy and human rights in Bhutan. It might once again remind the rulers of the present day Bhutan that there is no sustainable alternative to national reconciliation between the monarchy and the opposition forces. Bhutanese need national unity, and the new king has a meaningful role to play in this regard.

lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com

Success for all to see

The book Men in White: The Untold Story of Singapore's Ruling Political Party is the first comprehensive work on the role of People's Action Party (PAP) - the longest surviving and undoubtedly the most dominant political party of Singapore in nation building. Established on 21 November 1954, the PAP is the party of the main builder of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew who gave leadership to Singapore not as its first elected Prime Minister from 1959 to 1990, but also its moral force up to this day. PAP has dominated Singapore politics for more than half-a-century ever since. It remains the ruling party today with a tally of 12 general election victories. There is no doubt the success of Singapore owes much to the success of the PAP as a driving force.

Reviewed by Bipin Adhikari
http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2009/englishweekly/spotlight/oct/oct30/review.php

Singapore is a success story for all to see. Founded in 1819 as a British trading colony, Singapore joined the Malaysian Federation in 1963. The Federation did not work for it. This led to its separation from Malaysia two years later. Its tough journey as an independent country starts from here.

As an independent country, Singapore had some major challenges to overcome: national security, the poor local economy, lack of democratic institutions, and many social, racial issues. The vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources, including the communists, Indonesia (with its confrontational stance), and extremists who wanted to force Singapore back into Malaysia. The challenges of the transition were enormous for the political lot of the country.

The new country was able to deal with many of these challenges very successfully. By the next three decades, the independent Singapore had become one of the few wealthiest countries in the world in terms of GDP (PPP) per capita. It is a vibrant society, making outstanding achievements in all socio-cultural sectors, science and technology, and modern infrastructure. A highly developed and successful free market economy, Singapore enjoys a remarkably open and corruption-free environment, stable prices, and a per capita GDP equal to that of the Big 4 West European countries.

The idea that a small island city-state of two million people with no hinterland could survive in what was then a difficult and troubled region seemed manifestly absurd. But the country not just survived, but also developed and flourished as one of the most juggernaut economies of the world.

The book "Men in White: The Untold Story of Singapore's Ruling Political Party" is the first comprehensive work on the role of People's Action Party (PAP) - the longest surviving and undoubtedly the most dominant political party of Singapore in nation building. Established on 21 November 1954, the PAP is the party of the main builder of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew who gave leadership to Singapore not as its first elected Prime Minister from 1959 to 1990, but also its moral force up to this day.

PAP has dominated Singapore politics for more than half-a-century ever since. It remains the ruling party today with a tally of 12 general election victories. There is no doubt the success of Singapore owes much to the success of the PAP as a driving force.

Three senior researchers Sonny Yap, Richard Lim & Leong Weng Kam have narrated the PAP story in three parts. The first part, authored by Sonny Yap and Leong Weng Kam, covers the turbulent early years of the PAP and the divisive politics it was trapped in. In the second part Richard Lim tracks its transformation into a formidable political force of Singapore. In the third part, the team examines the PAP's survival strategy; and what could destroy it. The Editor in Chief, Cheong Yip Send, notes in his preface:

"For many generations of Singaporeans, especially those born after independence in 1965, the early years of the PAP are a very distant memory. If this book helps stimulate in them, as well as generations to come, an abiding interest in our past, the years of work that have gone into this book would not be in vain. We cannot be a strong nation if we cannot remember our past."

Written in the journalistic style, the book is very comprehensive in its treatment of the major aspects of Singapore's transition. It is based on the documents and records of the party, oral history of its members and opposition players, and interviews of the many of the surviving players, including of several before they passed away. It is not just the pro-establishment actors, but also those who differed in both the process and outcome of this transition, who have been given enough space by the book.

It tries to project comprehensive pictures of the events since the 1950s, and the views of all - those for or against the PAP. The party is very apprehensive of communist political ideologies, despite a brief joint alliance with the communists against colonialism in Singapore during its early years. The idea of survival as an independent nation has been a central theme of Singaporean politics ever since. The book also shows how the PAP coped with this issue in its difficult years.

Lee Kuan Yew, who has contributed foreword to this book has noted: "At the time it was happening, I could only guess what my adversaries were thinking and planning to do to demolish us. Many of the accounts in the book I read for the first time. They may not have revealed everything and could have burnished their narrative for posterity. Nevertheless, their recollections added spice to the narrative. I had pointed out some factual errors but told the writers to decide who is more reliable. The final version is their book and they had to exercise their editorial right."

Singapore is a parliamentary democracy. But its human rights records have not been encouraging. Even in the 21st century, with all modernization, an easing of restrictions on freedom of assembly has been overshadowed by heavy penalties and restrictive measures imposed on opposition activists, journalists and human rights defenders.

While political opponents are allowed, the various arrangements which are in place have the effect of suppressing dissenting voices. There are presently about 23 registered political parties in Singapore. The book hardly shows any references on how honestly the PAP and its leaders tried to ensure their participation in nation building. This book is going to have many comments from the writers' compatriots in this area.

Nevertheless, this is a very perceptive work. I strongly recommend this book to the leaders who have a noble cause and determination. It will teach them how to be futuristic.

lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com

Half way to Freedom? - Bipin Adhikari

By BIPIN ADHIKARI

The book Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: Tragic Hero of Kashmir provides a comprehensive and well documented account of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and different aspects of his intriguing personality. This account vividly explores how Abdullah, also known as the Lion of Kashmir, contributed crucially to the making of modern India and to its founding ideology of secularism. This naturally involves the issue of accession of Kashmir into India on 26 October, 1947 and its right to self-determination.

SOURCE: http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2009/englishweekly/spotlight/oct/oct16/review.php (NEW SPOTLIGHT NEWSMAGAZINE) VOL. 03, NO. 10, Oct. 16 2009 (Ashwin 30 2066)

Ajit Bhattacharjea, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: Tragic Hero of Kashmir ( New Delhi: Lotus Collection, 2008) (Hard Cover Price Ind Rs 395)

When the British were leaving the South Asia there were approximately 600 'princely states' in the subcontinent. All of these states were ruled by their kings or hereditary rulers. The British gave the kings and rulers of these states the option of acceding to India, to Pakistan, or of remaining independent.

The majority of these 'princely states' acceded to India. A few of them joined Pakistan. It was not all voluntary, or a well thought out process. In each case, the decision was made by the rulers, not by the people of the respective territories. Problems arose in a few states that claimed their different identity, and therefore an unwillingness to accede to any of them, or had rulers who were of a different religion than the majority of their subjects. The state of Jammu and Kashmir was one of them.

The state of Jammu and Kashmir prior to 1947 covered an area of 86024 square miles extending from 32deg 78' to 36deg 58' N and from 73deg 27' to 80deg 72' E. The entire state included, beside the Jammu region, Ladakh, Gilgit, Hunza, Nagar, Punial, and Yasin. The tiny state of Chitral, located towards the north-western side of Gilgit, used to pay tribute to Kashmir ruler.

The Hindu king of Kashmir, Maharaja Hari Singh, did not want to accede either to India, or to Pakistan. He wanted to continue as an independent kingdom. But both, India and Pakistan, the two rival states that were fast emerging in the subcontinent, wanted Kashmir to be a part of them. In this environment, the king, was somehow able to sign a Standstill Agreement with both of these countries and buy some time for a proper environment to take its decision. Until the last moment he toyed with the idea of remaining independent, but his strength to survive as a nation was too feeble in view of the forces that wanted otherwise. Ajit Bhattacharjea, a renowned Indian scholar on Kashmir, explains the currents of change and the further turn of events that lead Kashmir to where it stands today in this new book.

The book Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: Tragic Hero of Kashmir provides a comprehensive and well documented account of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and different aspects of his intriguing personality. This account vividly explores how Abdullah, also known as the Lion of Kashmir, contributed crucially to the making of modern India and to its founding ideology of secularism. This naturally involves the issue of accession of Kashmir into India on 26 October, 1947 and its right to self-determination.

Written in a biographical style, the book has twenty-four small chapters. The first chapter explains the roots of tolerance of the Kashmiri people. Then there is some background for the Dogra rule (1846-1947) in Kashmir before its accession to India. It is towards the last quarter of this period that Abdullah emerges as a vibrant opposition leader in Kashmir politics. In contrast to the rise of the Muslim League in much of the subcontinent - which was to lead to Partition - Abdullah and his party turned away from communal politics and embraced secularism. On 11 June 1939, he was even successful in changing the name of his party from Kashmir Muslim Conference to National Conference. A great influence of Nehru and his secular principles is of course beyond dispute.

While the theme of secularism has been discussed with much importance in this book, there emerges different aspects of the story of accession of Kashmir in India, the intriguing role of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in this regard, the manipulative exercises on the part of the Indian establishment in transition, the unfulfilled promises on the part of Jawaharlal Nehru, the charismatic leader of India, and subsequent political developments. No doubt, this aspect of Kashmir could be illuminating to any reader who has limited knowledge in the upheavals that continue to characterize the politics in this Himalayan state.

In this regard, Bhattacharjea explains in full rigour, Abdullah's quit Kashmir movement of 1946, the vicissitudes of the last King, Maharaja Hari Singh, and a period of brief independence that Kashmir enjoyed before it signed the instrument of accession. He then elaborates the accession drama, something which is very illuminating, the emergence of differences on the perspective of the parties involved, and sword of plebiscite that was contemplated to ease the process to honour the Kashmiri people's right to self determination.

The author is able to explain how key a role Abdullah performed for the accession. He also leaves no stone unturned to explain the manoeuvres that led to Abdullah's downfall and arrest on 8 August, 1953 and the role of the Home Ministry's intelligence Bureau in it. Obviously, his honeymoon with Nehru was over. After the monarchy was set aside, and the transition was completed somehow smoothly, the author explains so astutely how Abdullah's long, tragic periods of detention until he was persuaded to return to Jammu and Kashmir as chief minister was achieved.

A person who was sworn in as the Prime Minister of Kashmir initially was in due course refashioned into a state chief minister in the Indian union. Indeed, the author explains the tragedy so conclusively in one of his concluding paragraphs:

"Abdullah's national status was recognized by the presence of the president and prime minister at [his] funeral. New Delhi had, however, miscalculated if it believed that the desire for azadi [independence] has died with him. Instead of the continuing democratic campaign for self determination he had waged, it was replaced by encouraging violence and communalism by terror and state counter-terror. Abdullah himself became a victim of militancy with many of his followers distancing themselves from his compromise with Indira Gandhi."[p. 237]

By the time one completes reading the 257-page book, nothing prevents the reader to suspect that the power and clout achieved by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in the opposition politics of Kashmir was used by Jawaharlal Nehru, and the then (transitional) establishment in Delhi, to weaken Maharaj Hari Singh, manoeuvre him to sign the instrument of accession, and get rid of monarchy from the state of Jammu and Kashmir for ever. He was crucial to connect Kashmir with the larger freedom movement of the Indian National Congress in the plains, and align Kashmir with democratic India. But he was perceived to have only a limited role after the Independence of India. Along this line, his demand that the pledge of special status for the Jammu and Kashmir in the accession documents be honoured was also described as anti-national, even pro-Pakistani.

Ajit Bhattachargea concludes his book without any prescriptions for the policy makers of modern India. It is however a most recommended reading for all, who have interest in the politics of the Himalayan region and nation building.

Book Review: Contemporary Themes - Peace and Conflict

Source: New Spotlight Newsmagazine (September 25 - October 15, 2009)at P 22 (Reviewed by Bipin Adhikari)


Hira Bahadur Thapa, Selected Essays on Foreign Relations (Kathmandu: Asia Publications Pvt Ltd, 2009) (Soft Cover Price Rs 175)

Hira Bahadur Thapa's Selected Essays on Foreign Relations is the latest book in town on diplomacy, peace process and contemporary international issues. It is a collection of 54 newspaper essays published by Thapa between July 2007 and June 2009.

As the author notes, this period has been of historical significance because it covers the time when Nepal entered into UN facilitated peace process by ending a decade long Maoist People's War. Between August 2008 and May 2009, a career diplomat, Thapa also served as the foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal. This further afforded him a vantage from where to discuss issues important to Nepal in its peace process and foreign relations.

The subjects covered in this compilation range from preventing the peace process from collapse, the challenges of ongoing recruitment of national army and the combatants of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), to the extension of the mandate of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN). Some articles defend human rights, plead for establishing a culture of accountability, and stress healing the wounds of the Maoist conflict. Many of his articles have analysed the UN peacekeeping efforts, expansion of the Un Security Council membership, nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation and the theme of collective security.

Some articles deal with the problems of South Asia. There is no common theme, but they include expectations in fifteenth summit of SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) nations, deepening Nepal Sri Lanka ties, enhancing Nepal China economic relations, fighting terrorism, and cultivating relations with neighbours. He has also devoted two articles on Bhutanese refugees in Nepal.

The book is useful to anybody who wants to understand Nepal's diplomacy, peace process and contemporary international issues over the period covered by the author. Thapa is a moderate analyst in most of his opinion pieces. Almost each essay has certain prescriptions to the concerned sector. He is futuristic in his outlook. This makes his approach valuable.

At places, the author does not hide his sympathy for the Maoist movement, and its leaders. One can also note that he is not critical about the Maoist "People's war" which is said to have claimed approximately fifteen thousand lives, and derailed the democratic process by threatening parliamentary elections. Notwithstanding this criticism, the author has matured understanding of the issues that he has picked up for op-ed contributions.

The author could have considered writing an introductory chapter with a view to provide top up to each article. He could also have divided all these 54 articles in four or five broad themes, giving each theme a defined perspective. A reader who is not aware of the chronological development of Nepal's politics may at times find difficulties in putting some of the essays in perspective.

Bishnu Prasad Poudel & Hari Bansh Jha (eds), The New Dynamics of Conflict in Nepal (Kathmandu: NAC-SSA, CETS & FES, 2009) (soft cover, price not disclosed)

This is a new book on the topical issue of conflict. It got this shape following a two-day national seminar held in November 2009 on "The New Dynamics of Conflict in Nepal: Challenges and Opportunities." The seminar focussed on the post-conflict situation in the context of new armed groups creating law and order problems in the country, particularly in the Terai region, where killings, abductions, and extortions have become very common. It includes papers presented by Dev Raj Dahal, Bishnu P. Poudel, Hari Bansha Jha, Manish Thapa, Chandra Kishore, Som P. Pudasaini, and Dinesh Tripath, in the area of their specialization, and has a brief report of the seminar at the end. The editors pinpoint in the preface of the book that "if the situation is not handled carefully, the country might plunge into a long term civil war.

The book has a Foreword from the Rt Hon'bleVice-President of Nepal, Mr Parmanand Jha. It is a handy, useful work for anybody on the theme. None of the papers, however, adequately cover the India factor in the conflict dynamics of Nepal.

English-Nepali Glossary of Federalism Terms (Kathmandu: IDEA/Forum of Federations, 2009) (Soft cover, price not disclosed)

This is the first Glossary of basic terms used in the federalism discourse produced in Nepal. It offers definitions for some 300 federal terms and their translation into Nepali. The experts involved in developing it, have tried to give not just the basic understanding of each term, but also contextualize it in ways that help understanding of the Nepalese readers. Federalism as a form of government in which power is constitutionally divided between a central (national) government and sub-national (state, provincial, regional) governments is very new to Nepal. In this concept, both levels exercise some powers (rather than power being exclusive to the central government or the sub-national governments), and produce a shared government based on a written constitution. While Nepalis are debating a possible constitutional arrangement in this regard, this Glossary, as the publishers have pointed out, can help them understand and use the terms in proper perspective. It tries to address the need for clarity in the use of words or terms that have been central to any political discourse in this regard. By default, it will also help in the standardization of Nepali constitutional terminology. Finally, this Glossary may also prompt the critiques to suggest appropriate alternative translation for some terms in this Glossary which are still difficult to understand in Nepali (for example, aayatanko arthlabh for economics of scale, and bharit pratinidhitwa for weighted representation).

Suitable books for review may be sent to:Bipin Adhikari
Email: lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com

A History for Everybody

Book Review: Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (London: Vintage Books, 1997)Bipin Adhikari
Source: New Spotlight Newsmagazine, September 11-24, 2009)

It is unconventional to review a book after twelve years of its publication. Many readers may consider such a book no longer worth a review. But some books deserve a special treatment. Jared Diamond's 1997 science book Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies is one of them.

Diamond is one of the most remarkable contemporary scholars of the United States. In this book, he seeks to explain Eurasian hegemony throughout history - and the reasons behind it. The question before him is - why history unfolded differently on different continents over the last 13 thousand years? Is it because, as racists usually equate, some people are superior to others? He answers the question in four parts.

In Part I, from Eden to Cajamarca, Diamond explains what happened on all the continents before 11,000 B. C.? Then he deals with how geography molded societies on Polynesian islands. After that he explains why the Inca emperor Atahualpa did not capture King Charles I of Spain?

Part II deals with the rise and spread of food production. It is here that he analyses the roots of guns (military superiority), germs (capacity to control diseases) and steel (powerful organizations), and geographic differences in the onset of food production.

Then Diamond discusses about the causes of the spread of food production and unconscious development of ancient crops. Completing this he poses three important questions: why did peoples of some regions fail to domesticate plants?; why were the biggest wild mammal species never domesticated?; and why did food production spread at different rates on different continents?

It is in Part III that Diamond explores the course of development from food to guns, germs and steel. This is an equally substantial part of his study. Here he provides references on the evolution of germs, writing, technology and of government and religion.

In Part IV, Diamond brings in the histories of Australia and New Guinea. He also refers to the history of Austronesian expansion. The histories of Eurasia and the America have also been compared with each other. The last item here is the history of Africa - the question being how 'Africa became black'.

Jared Diamond's answer to the biggest question of history – why history unfolded differently is environmental not racial. For example, differences in the availability of wild plants and animals suitable for domestication have been one of the important factors in the evolution. Another difference had to do with the shapes and orientations of the continents. As such, Diamond argues that the gaps in power and technology between human societies do not reflect cultural or racial differences. Rather they originate in environmental differences powerfully amplified by various positive feedback loops.

Diamond holds that even when cultural or genetic differences have favored Eurasians (for example Chinese centralized government, or improved disease resistance among Eurasians), these advantages were only created due to the influence of geography and were not inherent in the Eurasian genomes. As a result, the geography of the Eurasian landmass gave its human inhabitants an inherent advantage over the societies on other continents, which they were able to dominate or conquer.

No doubt, the book Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies is a short history of everything. Diamond has hundreds of references from ecology, archaeology, genetics, linguistics and various historical case studies to prove his thesis. Still his study does not pay adequate attention to the historical variables of the Arab and Asian regions, which have significant contribution to what is known as civilization. One can also observe from the sideline that he has generalized too much when arguing his case. But, with all these comments, it will be difficult for anybody to counter his conclusion in significant ways. This is the most readable special work on the history of mankind.

Suitable books for review may be sent to:Bipin Adhikari
Email: lawyers_inc_nepal@yahoo.com